1
Waterson (1990) for instance projects a wide range of naturalistic concepts on the Indonesian house to make it 'living'. But what if women gained their ideas about the womb in analogy to some storehouse or loft? Evidently there is no etymology in anthropology, we can not provide evidence. But in Indo-European etymology there are many words which we take for granted in regard to their naturalistic physical background, but then might be fairly surprised if we become aware of their technical origins.

2
Unfortunately the art historians had no understanding for this ergological condition of form. They often invented speculative terminologies which covered up insights into the fibrous prototypes of monumental forms (s. Gottfried Semper 1878 and Walter Andrae 1930, 1933).

3
There is a tremendous continuity in human ways to structure space in categorically polar ways. There are a lot of examples in our premodern world which still reflect categorical polarity of space organisation. Surprisingly the churches have conserved the horizontal polarity scheme in most elementary and pure ways: the spatial unit of the community in the nave is defined by the altar on one side and by the gate or entrance facade on the other side. This scheme focused on some ontological value appears also slightly varied in many other types of institutional spaces, like throne-hall, court, concert hall, theatre, etc. . Historical cities like Paris or Rome have preserved categorical polarity in their value focussed axial systems, e.g. the 'Champs Elisees' which focussed on the Louvre (or, the monastery behind) having its most recent 'accumulation' in 'La Defense' (Frey 1947, Egenter 1998d*).

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